Redigerer Den russisk-ukrainske krisen 2021–2022 (avsnitt)

===== ''Russkij Mir'' =====
I  Putins «[[Russkij Mir]]»-verdenssyn og det 21. århundrets russiske identitet er det en forestilling om en egen distinkt russisk sivilisasjon og en ide om å beskytte russisktalende i Eurasia. Den politisk-kulturelle rollen som Ukraina spiller i samtidens russiske ideologi viktigere enn strategiske hensyn i Putins langsiktige visjon, ifølge kommentatoren B.R. Young på nettstedet Foreignpolicy.com.<ref name="bryoung2">[https://foreignpolicy.com/2022/03/06/russia-putin-civilization/ Putin Has a Grimly Absolute Vision of the ‘Russian World’. The Ukraine war is fueled by a delusion of civilizational necessity.] Foreignpolicy.com kommentar av Benjamin R. Young. sitat:Putin believes an invasion of Ukraine is a righteous cause and necessary for the dignity of the Russian civilization, which he sees as being genetically and historically superior to other Eastern European identities. The idea of protecting Russian-speakers in Eurasia has been a key part of Putin's "Russkiy Mir" worldview and 21st-century Russian identity. Under the rubric of Russkiy Mir (Russian World), Putin's government promotes the idea that Russia is not a mere nation-state but a civilization-state that has an important role to play in world history. (...) While security concerns regarding NATO expansion are certainly important to the Kremlin, the politico-cultural role that Ukraine plays in contemporary Russian ideology is of greater value to Putin's long-term vision of a rejuvenated Russian World. In February 2021, Putin's spokesperson Dmitry Peskov named Ukraine as a part of Russkiy Mir..</ref><ref>[https://www.realcleardefense.com/articles/2020/05/28/putins_playbook_dugins_foundations_of_geopolitics_115329.html Putin’s Playbook: Dugin’s Foundations of Geopolitics]  realcleardefense.com  av Chace A. Nelson. Artikkel.</ref> Den politiske kommentatoren I. Zevelev fra CSIS mener at forestillingen om den ''russiske verden'' reflekterer spenningen imellom de faktiske statsgrensene i Russland og det mentale kartet over «russiskhet» som eksisterer i hodet til mange russere. For majoriteten av den ukrainske befolkning, og for hele den politiske klassen, er ideen om den ''russiske verden'' synonymt med krig.<ref>[https://www.csis.org/analysis/russian-world-moscows-strategy The Russian World in Moscow’s Grand Strategy] www.csis.org Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). av Igor Zevelev. August 2016. sitat:The concepts of “compatriots abroad” and the “Russian World” have evolved within two different yet overlapping discourses. Each of these concepts has its own intellectual history. However, these ideas have something in common. Basically they both reflect the tension between actual Russian Federation state borders and the mental maps of “Russianness” that exist in the minds of many Russians. (...) Of the Russian communities abroad, none faces a greater challenge than that in Ukraine. Today, Ukraine is effectively a lost cause within the context of the Russian World. For much of the Ukrainian population and for the entire political class, the idea of the Russian World has become synonymous with war.</ref> I februar 2021 uttalte Putins talsmann Peskov at Ukraina er en del av Russkij Mir.<ref>[https://uacrisis.org/en/russkiy-mir-as-the-kremlin-s-quasi-ideology "Russkiy Mir" as the Kremlin’s Quasi-ideology] uacrisis.org sitat:The Kremlin defines anyone who, according to Vladimir Putin, "speaks and thinks in Russian", as a part of "Russkiy Mir". On such grounds Dmitriy Peskov, the spokesperson of the Russian President, has named Ukraine as a part of "Russkiy Mir" in February 2021. It yet again underlines the expansionist nature of the concept and refusal to agree with the national self-determination of other states.</ref>